Class, Status, and Race are one of the principal reasons for inequality in the world. For instance, the United States has a high degree of social inequality. All of the most modern industrial countries have some of the richest and some of the poorest people. This fact is very controversy by explaining why much of the inequality exists in the United States. So, inequality occurs In a country based on the perspective of a functionalist, conflict theorist, and social interationist. Functionalist argues that stratification is essential and beneficial to a society in order to make sure the highest qualified person will occupy the best positions. Some jobs are more important than others by requiring special skill and talent. The period of unequal opportunity is increasing, and the United States beneficiaries often slander those who are the most systematically underpaid, underrated, undervalued,, as an undeserving, underclass lacking the proper work ethic ( Holly Sklar, 1)
Social inequality includes the belief that some individuals are socially described as disadvantaged due to their life circumstances. Social inequality can be put to a number of life circumstances, such as health, race, gender, poverty, and several other phenomena. Status and stereotypes are central to the discussion of social inequality. There are two types of status, achieved and ascribed (Salinger, 2000). Status that is earned, such as a college graduate, is labeled achieved status. Status in which an individual is born with is called ascribed status. Gender and race are two examples of ascribed status. Stereotypes are standardized mental pictures that are supported in common by members of a group (Salinger, 2000). They often stand for oversimplified ideas, prejudiced attitudes, and bad judgments about people in a society. Stereotypes do not demand accuracy in order to exist. Social inequality relies on the meanings that people link to status and stereotypes, which can cause victims of social inequality being characterized as deviant, not because of the actions they themselves take, but because of the negative characters that are linked to them by the dominant powers in a society. In addition, psychologists once thought that only discriminated individuals used stereotypes (Paul, 1998). Theories about stereotypes were involved only with their explicit expression, the embarrassed and outright sexism, racism, and the like. Current research has mentioned the unsettling truth that stereotypes are generated in the unconscious human mind. A new approach to the research on stereotypes has uncovered a more subtle notion, known as automatic or implicit stereotyping (Paul, 1998). Researchers who studied stereotyping had simply asked people to record their feelings about minority groups and had used their answers as an index of their attitudes. Present psychologists understand that these conscious answers are only half the story. The fact of how progressive a person seems to be on the surface bears little or no relation to how prejudiced he or she is on an unconscious level. Jack Dovidio, Ph.D., of Colgate University said, “twenty years ago, researchers hypothesized that there were people who said they were not prejudiced but who really did have unconscious negative stereotypes and beliefs” (Paul, 1998).
“The right focus of uprising alter is never only the oppressive situations which we seek to get away, but that piece of the oppressor that is established deep within each of us” (Lorde, 1984). Audre Lorde’s statement went up a troublesome issue for scholars and activists working for social change. While several people have little difficulty assessing their own unfair treatment within some system of oppression, they typically fail to see how their beliefs and actions defend someone else’s subordination. Oppression is complete of opposition. In 1989, Sandra Harding suggested that gender oppression was structured along three principal dimensions such as the symbolic dimension, the individual dimension, the institutional dimension. Harding’s proposal provided a useful pattern for the analysis of class, gender oppression, and race, (Harding, 1989). Research led in the 1990s discovered that affect-based attitudes are altered more easily using persuasion tactics that rely on emotion. Many people familiarize with how race, class, and gender operate individually to structure social inequality, however, the focus of putting these three dimensions together suggests cognitive thinking. Research has made up that elitism, sexism and racism, all have concrete institutional locations. Even though the works of the institutional dimension of oppression are often obscured with ideologies that claim equality of opportunity, in reality, the difference of race, class and gender place distinctive institutional niches with different degrees of privilege and penalty. Lois G. Forer, author of Money and Justice, given as example the degrees of penalty and privilege in the courtroom by talking about Kevin Wallace, whom was nineteen years old, uneducated, and African American. Mr. Forer stated: “people like Kevin Wallace are rushed through trial in every city and state while wealthy individuals and corporations pursue their rights.